Thursday 30 October 2014

RORATE CÆLI: SYNOD AND TRUTH: Understanding In Depth the Grave Errors of Cardinal Kasper - A Major Article by Roberto de Mattei

RORATE CÆLI: SYNOD AND TRUTH: Understanding In Depth the Grave Errors of Cardinal Kasper - A Major Article by Roberto de Mattei











SYNOD AND TRUTH:
Understanding In Depth the Grave Errors of Cardinal Kasper
- A Major Article by Roberto de Mattei

KASPER’S MESS
The origins of the errors
For them, Christianity is praxis, not justice
Roberto de Mattei
Il Foglio
October 1, 2014


The upcoming Synod of Bishops has been preceded by a rumpus
in the media which attaches to it a historical significance greater than its
ecclesiastical importance as merely a consultative assembly in the Church. Some
are complaining about the theological war the Synod promises to be, but the
history of all the Episcopal meetings in the Church (such is the etymological
significance of the term “synod” and its synonym “council”) has been made up of
theological conflicts and bitter debates on errors and divisions that have
threatened the Christian community since its beginnings.

           Today the
subject of communion for the divorced [and remarried] is only the vector of a
discussion that focuses on rather complex doctrinal concepts, such as human
nature and the natural law. This debate seems to translate, on the
anthropological level, the Trinitarian and Christological speculations which
shook up the Church from the Council of Nicaea (325) to the Council of Chalcedon
(451).  At that time,  discussions 
were held to determine the nature of the Most Holy Trinity, Who is one
God in Three Persons and to define in Jesus Christ the Person of the Word, Who
subsists in two natures, the Divine and the human. The Council of Nicaea’s
adoption of the Greek term homoousios, which was translated in Latin to
consubstantialis and, after the Council of Chalcedon with the words “of the
same nature” of the Divine substance, to affirm the perfect equality of the
Word and the Father, marks a never-to be-forgotten date in the history of
Christianity and concludes an era of disorientation, confusion and drama of
consciences similar to the one we are [currently] immersed in.

            In those
years the Church was divided between the “right” of St. Athanasius and the
“left” of  Arius’ followers, (the
definition is by the historian of the Councils, Karl Joseph von Hefele).
Between the two poles the third “party” of semi-Arians wavered, themselves divided
into various factions.  The term homoiousios,
which means “of similar substance” was set against the Nicean homoousios, which
means “of the same substance”. This is not a question of nitpicking.  In the seemingly minimal difference between
these two words, there lies an abyss: on the one hand,  Identity with God, on the other a certain
analogy or resemblance which makes of Jesus Christ an ordinary man.

The best historical reconstruction of this period is the one
by Cardinal John Henry Newman, The Arians of the Fourth Century (tr.It. Jaca Book,
Milano, 1981) an in-depth study which brings to light the culpability of the
clergy and the courage of “the common people” in maintaining the orthodoxy of
the Faith. Athanasius, as a deacon and champion of orthodoxy, afterwards a
bishop, was forced as many as five times to leave his diocese, to walk the way
of exile.

In 357, Pope Liberius excommunicated him and two years after
the Councils of Rimini and Seleucia, which constituted a sort of great
Ecumenical Council, representative of the West and the East, abandoned the
Nicene term “consubstantial” and established an equivocal middle way, between
St. Athanasius and the Arians. It was at that time St. Jerome coined the
expression according to which  "The
whole world groaned and was amazed to find itself Arian".

            Athanasius
and the defenders of the orthodox Faith were accused of being stuck obstinately
on words and of being quarrelsome and intolerant.  These are the same accusations made today
against those, inside and outside the Synod Hall, who want to raise a voice of
uncompromising firmness in defense of the Church’s doctrine on Christian
Marriage, like the five Cardinals (Burke, Brandmuller, Caffarra, De Paolis and
Muller), who after having expressed themselves individually, gathered together
their statements in defense of the family in a book which by now has become a
manifesto: Remaining in the Truth of Christ: Marriage and Communion in the
Catholic Church, just published by Cantagalli of Siena,  Another fundamental text, Divorced “Remarried”,
also owes its publication to Cantagalli. The praxis of the primitive Church, by
the Jesuit Henri Couzel, 

The writers in the “Corriere della Sera” and “La Repubblica”
have been rending their garments at the “theological row” now in progress.  On September 8, Pope Francis himself, urged
newly nominated Bishops “not to waste energy in contrasts and clashes”,
forgetting that he had personally assumed the responsibility of the clashes
when he entrusted the job of opening the Synod “dances” to Cardinal Walter
Kasper. As Sandro Magister noted, it was actually Kasper with his report on
February 20, 2014, (made available by “Il Foglio”), who started the hostility
that triggered off the doctrinal debate, thus becoming, far from his
intentions, the standard-bearer of a party. The oft-times reiterated formula by
the German Cardinal is: what has to change is not the doctrine of the
indissolubility of marriage, but pastoral [praxis] for the divorced and
remarried. This has in itself a devastating significance and is the expression
of a theological concept tainted at its roots.

            So as to
understand Kasper’s thought, we need to go back to one of his first works,
perhaps the main one, “The Absolute in History in the last Philosophy of
Schelling, published in 1965 and translated by Jaca Book in 1986. In fact,
Walter Kasper belongs to the school of Tubinga, which, as he writes in this
study, “started a renewal in theology and in all of German Catholicism with the
encounter of Schelling and Hegel” (p.53). The metaphysics are Schelling’s
(1775-1854), “a solitary giant” (p.90), whose Gnostic and pantheistic character
the German theologian tries in vain to free himself of.  In his last work Philosophie der Offenbarung
(The Philosophy of Revelation), in 1854, Schelling opposes historical dogmatic
Christianity. “Schelling – Kasper comments – doesn’t envision the relationship
between the natural and the supernatural in a static, metaphysical and
extratemporal way, but rather in a dynamic and historical one. The essentiality
of Christian Revelation is really this, that it is history.” (p.206).

Also for Kasper Christianity, before being doctrine, is
history, or “praxis”. In his most famous work, Jesus The Christ, (Queriniana,
Brescia 1974), he develops his Christology in a historical key which is derived
from The Philosophy of Revelation by the German Idealist. The Trinitarian
concept by Schelling is the one of the Sabellian and Modalist heretics, the
forerunners of Arianism.  The three
Divine Persons are reduced to three “modes of subsistence” of a one
person-nature (Modalism), while the essence of the Trinity is realised in the
manifesting of  “Itself” to the world.
Christ is not the intermediary between God and man, but the historical
realization of the Divinity in the Trinitarian process.

Coherent with the Christology and ecclesiology of Kasper.
The Church is, first and foremost, “pneuma” “Sacrament of the Spirit”, a
definition for the German Cardinal that “corrects” the juridical one by Pius
XII in Mystici Corporis (The Church, Place of the Spirit, Queriniana, Brescia
1980, p.  91). The Holy Spirit’s field of
action does not coincide in fact, as Tradition wills, with the one of the Roman
Catholic Church, but extends to a vaster ecumenical reality, the “Church of
Christ” which the Catholic Church is part of.

           According
to Kasper, the Decree of Vatican II on Ecumenism presses for recognition that
the one Church of Christ is not limited to the Catholic Church, but is shared
with separate churches and ecclesial communities (ivi, p.94).  The Catholic Church is “where there is no
selective Gospel”, but everything is expanded in an all-encompassing manner, in
time and space (The Catholic Church – Essence, Reality, Mission, Queriniana,
Brescia 2012, p. 289). The mission of the Church is to “ step out of
Herself”  to regain a dimension that
renders her truly universal. Eugenio Scalfari, who is acting like a third
Pope,(i.e. after the Pope emeritus and the one reigning), even if ignorant in
theology, confers the same idea to Pope Francis, asserting, that for him, the
missionary Church is the one that “has to step out of Herself and go into the
world”  by implementing Christianity in
history (“La Repubblica”, September 21, 2014).

These theories are reflected in Kasper’s moral theology,
according to which, the experience of the encounter with Christ dissolves the
law, or better, the law is a hindrance which man must free himself of to
encounter the mercy of Christ. In his pantheistic philosophy, Schelling absorbs
evil into God. Kasper absorbs evil into the mystery of the Cross, in which he
sees the denial of traditional metaphysics and of the natural law which
proceeds from it. “For Schelling the passage of negative philosophy to positive
philosophy is at the same time[a]passage from the law to the Gospel” (The
Absolute in History, p.178),  writes the
German Cardinal, who sees in turn the passage from the law to the Gospel in the
primacy of pastoral praxis over abstract doctrine.

From this point of view, Cardinal Kasper’s moral doctrine is
at least implicitly, Antinomianist. Antinomianism is a term coined by Luther
against his opponent of the left, Johann Agricola (1494-1568), but dates back
to the antique and medieval heresies indicating the rejection of the Old
Testament and its laws, [which were]thought of as mere constriction and
restriction, in contrast to the New Testament, i.e. to the new economy of Grace
and freedom. More generally Antinomianism means the rejection of the natural
moral law which has its root in the rejection of the idea of nature. For the
Christian Antinomianists there is no law because there is no universal
objective human nature. The consequences are the vanishing of the sense of sin,
the denial of absolute morality, and the sexual Revolution inside the Church.

Within this perspective it is understandable how Cardinal
Kasper in his recent book, which appeared in German in 2012 and was then
translated into Italian for the fellows at Queriniana in 2013, (Mercy. The
Fundamental Concept of the Gospel – The Key to life),  proposes to break with the traditional
equilibrium between justice and mercy, making of the latter, (which goes
against tradition), the principal attribute of God. However, as Father Serafino
Lanzetta observed in an excellent analysis of his volume, published at
www.chiesa [English version published by Rorate Caeli here], “mercy perfects
and completes justice but does not annul it; it presupposes it, otherwise it
would not in itself have any reason to exist.” 
The disappearance of justice and the law makes the concept of sin and
the mystery of evil incomprehensible, save for the reintegrating of them into a
theosophical and Gnostic standpoint.

We find this error again in the Lutheran postulate of “only
mercy”. The mediation of reason and of nature being abolished, for Luther the
only way to rise to God is in “trusting faith” which has its preamble not in
rational metaphysics, from which it must be totally freed, but in a sentiment
of profound desperation, which has in turn its typical object in the “mercy” of
God, instead of the truths revealed by Him.  
This principal, as Silvana Seidel Menchi demonstrated in Erasmus in
Italy 1520-1580 (Bollati Boringhieri, Turin 1987), is developed in the
heretical literature of the 16th Century thanks also to the influence of Erasmus’
treatise, De immense Dei misercordia (1524), which opened  up the gates of heaven to “men of good will”
(ivi, pp.143-167). In the sects originating from Erasmus and Luther which made
up the extreme left of the Protestant Reformation, the 4th century
anti-Trinitarian errors reappeared: Arianism, Modalism, Sabellianism, [all]
based on the rejection or distortion of the idea of nature.

The only penitential path possible to experience the embrace
of  Divine Mercy is the rejection of sin
in which we are immersed, and in the recognition of a Divine Law to respect and
love. This law is rooted in human nature and is engraved in the heart of every
man “by the finger of the Creator, Himself” (Rm 2, 14-15). It constitutes the
supreme judgment of every action and of human events in their totality, that
is, in history.

The term nature is not abstract. Human nature is the essence
of man, that is what he is before being a person. Man is a person, a holder of
inalienable rights, because he has a soul. And he has a soul given that, unlike
any other living being, he has a rational nature. Natural is not what
originates from the instincts and desires of man, but what corresponds to the
rules of reason, which must in turn, conform itself to an objective order and
immutable principles.  The natural law is
rational and immutable,[thus]because it is immutable inasmuch as it is
spiritual, it is the nature of man.  All  individuals of the same nature act or should
act in the same manner, since the natural law is written in the nature not of
this or that man, but in human nature regarded in itself, in its permanence and
stability.

Cardinal Kasper does not believe in a universal and absolute
natural law. In the instrumentum laboris, the official Vatican document which
prepares the ground for the Synod in October, this repudiation of the natural
law is clearly in evidence, even if presented in a sociological key more than a
theological one. “The concept of natural law today turns out to be, in
different cultural contexts, highly problematic, if not completely
incomprehensible. (n.21) – he says – also since “Today, in not only the West
but increasingly every part of the world, scientific research poses a serious
challenge to the concept of nature. Evolution, biology and neuroscience, when
confronted with the traditional idea of the natural law, conclude that it is
not “scientific.” According to Kasper’s program, the spirit of the Gospel whose
values need to be communicated “in a comprehensible way to the man of today”
contrasts the natural law. Which therefore renders necessary “that more
emphasis be placed on the role of the Word of God as a privileged instrument in
the conception of married life and the family, and recommend greater reference
to the Bible, its language and narratives. In this regard, respondents propose
bringing the issue to public discussion and developing the idea of biblical
inspiration and the “order in creation,” which could permit a re-reading of the
concept of the natural law in a more meaningful manner in today’s world. (…)The
recommendation was also made to engage young people directly in these matters.”
(n.30).

The inevitable consequences of this new idea of morality
which the Synod Fathers will have to discuss, are outlined by Vito Mancuso, in
“La Repubblica” of the 18th September. The natural law “is far too  heavy a burden to carry”; we need therefore
to focus on a deep journey of renewal in the matters of sexual ethics” which
should result in the “subsequent necessary openness: yes to contraception; yes
to premarital relations; yes to the recognition of homosexual couples.”

In the face of this catastrophic itinerary heading towards
immoralism, why be surprised that five Cardinals have published a book in
defense of traditional morality and that other cardinals, bishops and
theologians have supported them in this position?  Against those who are calling for a new
doctrinal and pastoral discipline, Cardinal Pell wrote, “an insurmountable
barrier” is being raised, based on “the almost complete unanimity on this
matter which Catholic history has given the proof of for two thousand years.
(Preface, Juan Pérez-Soba, Stephen Kampowski, Oltre la proposta di
Kasper,(Beyond Kasper’s Proposal) Cantagalli, Siena 2014, p. 7).

It is to be hoped that it will be a free and open encounter,
without the imposition of rules from on high that falsify the stakes. The
stakes are not just a simple diversity in opinions, but the clarification of
the Church’s mission. It is to be hoped as well, that the faithful prelates of
Tradition will not be intimidated and 
will be able to bear patiently with the mass-media’s violence, and even
the unjust and intense ecclesial censuring which they might have to endure.

“The best song is still ours” (p.8) writes Cardinal Pell,
and Athanasius is still a model for our times and for all of those who don’t
shrink back from the righteous battle in defense of the truth.

[Translation: Contributor Francesca Romana]
Labels: Brandmüller, de Mattei, Kasper's Destruction of the
Indissolubility of Marriage, Müller, Newman, Pell, The Bergoglio Pontificate,
The Protestant syndrome, The Reformed Synod of Bishops
Posted by New Catholic at 10/01/2014 03:00:00 PM
 


Cardinal Kasper's Comments: CMTV Exclusive Interview





Cardinal Kasper's Comments: CMTV Exclusive Interview

Pope Francis' Address at Inauguration of Bronze Bust of Benedict XVI | ZENIT - The World Seen From Rome

Pope Francis' Address at Inauguration of Bronze Bust of Benedict XVI | ZENIT - The World Seen From Rome



Pope Francis' Address at Inauguration of Bronze Bust of Benedict XVI
"[Benedict XVI is] great for the strength and penetration of his intelligence; great for his important contribution to theology; great for his love in addressing the Church and human beings; great for his virtue and his religiosity."

Vatican City, October 27, 2014


At 9.30 this morning, Pope Francis inaugurated a bronze bust in honor of Pope Benedict XVI, at the Pius IV Casina in the Vatican Gardens.

Here is a translation of the Holy Father’s address to those present, in the course of the inaugural ceremony.

***

Lord Cardinals,

Dear Brothers in the Episcopate and Priesthood,

Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen!

As the veil of the bust fell, which the Academicians wished to have in the headquarters of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences, in sign of recognition and gratitude, a joyful emotion arose in my mind. This bust of Benedict XVI recalls to everyone's eyes the face of our beloved Pope Ratzinger. It also recalls his spirit: that of his teachings, of his examples, of his works, of his devotion to the Church, to his present “monastic” life. This spirit, far from crumbling with the passage of time, will appear from generation to generation, always greater and more powerful.

Benedict XVI: a great Pope. Great for the strength and penetration of his intelligence; great for his important contribution to theology; great for his love in addressing the Church and human beings; great for his virtue and his religiosity. As you well know, his love for the truth is not limited to theology and philosophy, but is open to the sciences. His love of science overflows in his concern for scientists, without distinction of race, nationality, civilization, or religion; his concern for the Academy with his presence and his word; moreover, he appointed many of its members, including the current President, Werner Arber.

Benedict XVI invited, for the first time, a president of this Academy to take part in the Synod on the New Evangelization, conscious of the importance of science in modern culture. It will certainly not be able to be said of him that study and science dried up his person and his love in his encounters with God and his neighbor but, on the contrary, science, wisdom and prayer dilated his heart and spirit. We thank God for the gift He made to the Church and the world with the existence and pontificate of Pope Benedict. I thank all those who, generously, made possible this work and this ceremony, in particular, the creator of the bust, sculptor Fernando Delia, the Tua Family, and all the Academicians. I wish to thank all of you who are present here to honor this great Pope.  

At the conclusion of your Plenary Session, dear Academicians, I am happy to express my profound esteem and my warm encouragement to carry forward scientific progress and the improvement of the conditions of life of people, especially the poorest.

You are addressing the highly complex topic of the evolution of the concept of nature. I will not go into it all, you understand well the scientific complexity of this important and decisive question. I only wish to underline that God and Christ walk with us and are present also in nature, as the Apostle Paul affirmed in his address at the Areopagus: “In Him we live and move and have our being” (Acts 17:28). When we read in Genesis the account of Creation, we risk imagining that God was a magician, with such a magic wand as to be able to do everything. However, it was not like that. He created beings and left them to develop according to the internal laws that He gave each one, so that they would develop, and reach their fullness. He gave autonomy to the beings of the universe at the same time that He assured them of his continual presence, giving being to every reality. And thus creation went forward for centuries and centuries, millennia and millennia until it became what we know today, in fact because God is not a demiurge or a magician, but the Creator who gives being to all entities. The beginning of the world was not the work of chaos, which owes its origin to another, but it derives directly from a Supreme Principle who creates out of love. The Big-Bang, that is placed today at the origin of the world, does not contradict the divine intervention but exacts it. The evolution in nature is not opposed to the notion of Creation, because evolution presupposes the creation of beings that evolve.

In regard to man, instead, there is a change and a novelty. When, on the sixth day of the Genesis account, we come to the creation of man, God gives the human being another autonomy, a different autonomy from that of nature, which is freedom. And He tells man to give a name to all things and to go forward in the course of history. He renders him responsible for creation, also so that he will dominate Creation, so that he will develop it and so forth until the end of time. Therefore, the attitude that corresponds to the scientist, especially to the Christian scientist is to question himself about the future of humanity and of the earth and, as a free and responsible being, to contribute to prepare it, to preserve it, and to eliminate the risks of the environment, be they natural or human. However, at the same time, the scientist must be moved by trust that hidden nature, in its evolving mechanisms, of potentialities that concern the intelligence and freedom, to discover and to act to arrive at development, which is in the plan of the Creator. Then, although limited, man’s action participates in the power of God and is able to build a world adapted to his twofold corporeal and spiritual life; to build a human world for all – for all human beings, and not for a group or a privileged class. This hope and trust in God, Author of nature, and in the capacity of the human spirit, are able to give the researcher new energy and profound serenity. However, it is also true that man’s action, when his liberty becomes autonomy,  -- which is not liberty but autonomy --  destroys creation and man takes the place of the Creator. And this is the grave sin against God the Creator.

I encourage you to continue your works and to carry out that felicitous theoretical and practical initiatives in favor of human beings, which do them honor. I now joyfully consign the necklace that Monsignor Sanchez Sorondo will give the new Members. Thank you.

[Original text: Italian]

[Translation by ZENIT]
(October 27, 2014) © Innovative Media Inc. 

Sunday 26 October 2014

Henry Kissinger's World Order: The outer edge of what is possible - World Politics - World - The Independent

Henry Kissinger's World Order: The outer edge of what is possible - World Politics - World - The Independent





Henry Kissinger's World Order: The outer edge of what is possible

The epitome of globe-trotting statesmen talks to Rachel Halliburton about his new book, World Order

In July 1971, Henry Kissinger got into a small plane in Islamabad and briefly disappeared off the map. The official story for the next couple of days was that he was ill, but in fact President Nixon's right-hand man was on a secret journey to Beijing that would electrify the world. It was a period when the US was constantly redefining the possible. Just two years before it had put the first man on the moon. While the physical challenges of building diplomatic ties with Mao's China were not quite comparable, politically it felt like the equivalent of smashing through the stratosphere.

It says much about the dangerous tilt of the world that when we meet – 43 years later – we find ourselves talking about the possibility of war between the US and China. The subtle diplomatic architecture that Kissinger constructed in those historic visits looks increasingly under threat. In his new book, World Order, he cites a Harvard study that shows that in 10 out of 15 cases, when there's an established power and a rising power, war ensues. I ask him how likely he thinks conflict is, and what can be done to avoid it.

"Both President Obama and President Xi – President Xi particularly – have said they would like the relationship to demonstrate how tensions actually could be dispersed between a rising power and an existing power," he replies in his distinctive lugubrious gargle. "But having said that, they have not been able to give it a practical expression. And I think it is a huge problem."

Referring to the simmering tensions over the South China Sea Islands, he says, "Sooner or later one of them is going to lead to a confrontation. I don't want China and the US to be like Germany and Britain in 1914, but I don't think we can resist it primarily by military deployments along the Chinese border. So the question is: can we create a  space between ourselves and China... with an American military presence being on the horizon but in which we can compete by some established rules?"

We meet on a clear blue September day in New York at the offices of Kissinger Associates, the international consulting firm that he runs with Brent Scowcroft, also a former US National Security Advisor. Though Kissinger is 91 and is recovering from a recent heart-valve operation, the overwhelming impression in his offices is of youth, as good-looking young men and women flit discreetly in and out of different doors. Kissinger once said of Mao: "He had the quality of being at the centre of wherever he stood". It was a trait he deeply admired, and he has cultivated it in himself. Despite the fact that he is the shortest person in his office and now uses a stick, the aura of power is unmistakable as he walks into reception and surveys me, blinking, a cross between Cardinal Richelieu and a European eagle-owl.

President Ford holding a meeting in 1975, when Kissinger (right) was Secretary of State President Ford holding a meeting in 1975, when Kissinger (right) was Secretary of State (Getty) Kissinger's enduring magnetism for world statesmen almost certainly dates from his success in gaining the US President an invitation to meet Mao. That meeting marked his rise from senior politician to international phenomenon, one of the most glitteringly divisive figures of his time. The statesman "must act at the outer edge of what is possible," he declares at one point in his book, "bridging the gap between his society's experiences and its aspirations."

Throughout his life, this has been the conceptual territory in which Kissinger has thrived. Whether in approaching China, achieving détente with Russia, or reversing hostilities between Egypt and Israel in 1973, his ability to balance complex personalities and weave together conflicting cultures has been conducted with the intuitive flair described in his native German as Fingerspitzengefühl.

His continuing potency on the political front-line is demonstrated not least by Hillary Clinton's somewhat extraordinary – but rightly enthusiastic – review of his book shortly before we meet. He in return has indicated, despite his Republicanism, that he believes she would make a good president. I ask what qualities she demonstrated as Secretary of State that makes him believe this?

He smiles. "She ran the state department as an institution better than I've ever seen it – including [under] myself. I'm not as precise as she is. She came into office at a complicated moment as a member of an administration that wanted to make a drastic change. Her own views were not as drastic as those of the incumbent President on these matters. She handled her relationships with enormous skill and I have never heard her say one critical world about the President. I will support the Republican candidate, because I think we need a change, and I've said that publicly, but I am very positive about her."

The elasticity of his statement is classic Kissinger. As well as containing a none too subtle sideswipe at Obama, it is both a declaration of support and not a declaration of support for Clinton that can be adapted according to whichever way the political wind is blowing. That chameleon aspect of his personality has often been remarked upon – who exactly Henry Kissinger is has preoccupied many people who have had close dealings with him.

At the most surprising end of the spectrum, he has been an unlikely sex symbol. He has been photographed with women including Elizabeth Taylor, Raquel Welch, Liza Minnelli, and much later Princess Diana – in recent years Carla Bruni has been among the glamorous women with whom he has been snapped. In 1972, the year Nixon himself went to China, Kissinger was even mocked up as a reclining nude in an edition of the Harvard Lampoon that went on to sell over 1.1m copies. When the then president of the USSR, Leonid Brezhnev, was shown a copy, he had it pinned up in his office.

Yet it has been Kissinger's more subtle incarnations that have most taunted both his allies and his detractors. His ability to work at the "outer edge of the possible" is connected to his tendency to see the world as a series of shifting realities. This has been argued as both the essence of his genius and a character flaw. The late international-relations expert Hans Morgenthau, a former teacher of Kissinger's, once described him as "an Odysseus-like polytropos, a many-sided character". Frank Shakespeare, who headed the US Information Agency under Nixon was blunter. "Kissinger can meet with six different people, smart as hell, learned, knowledgeable, experienced, of very different views, and persuade all six of them that the real Henry Kissinger is just where they are," he declared.

To understand how Kissinger views himself, it helps to look at the historical heroes he refers to in World Order. At one point he says to me, "the more you get to the outer edge of what is possible, the more you risk – you are out there alone". So who does Kissinger look to when he feels alone? Cardinal Richelieu, Louis XIII's right-hand man, Klemens von Metternich, the charismatic chancellor of the Austrian Habsburg Empire, and Otto von Bismarck, the legendary unifier of Germany. All derided for cunning and ambition, yet all able to make brilliant conceptual leaps that ultimately improved the security of the world.

Most revealing is his description of the French diplomat Talleyrand – viewed by some as the embodiment of Machiavellian duplicity. From the French Revolution onwards, he switched sides repeatedly to ensure he remained in the inner circles of power. "He started his career as Bishop of Autun," Kissinger relates, "left the church to support the revolution, abandoned the revolution to serve as Napoleon's foreign minister, abandoned Napoleon to negotiate the restoration of the French monarch, and appeared in Vienna as Louis XVIII's foreign minister. Many called Talleyrand an opportunist. Talleyrand would have argued that his goals were stability within France and peace in Europe and that he had > taken whatever opportunities were available to achieve these goals."

Certainly, as Putin goads the West with his lethal realpolitik, the Middle East and swathes of Africa witness rampant jihad, and China enters the sabre-rattling stage of its evolution, the West certainly needs someone with the ingenuity of a Talleyrand. And Kissinger, the 20th century's prime exponent of realpolitik is happy to oblige. World Order is a passionate statement of his lifelong belief that order and freedom are interdependent, and establishing long-term balance far outweighs the short-term benefits of making concessions that are popular with the electorate. He is utterly unapologetic about this – once, paraphrasing Goethe, he said, "If I had to choose between justice and disorder, on the one hand, and injustice and order, on the other, I would always choose the latter".

Certainly his views are informed by a breadth and depth of historical knowledge that rivals that of most major players in today's foreign-policy arena. Take his approach to Russia. From the 17th century to the mid-20th century, Russia proved crucial in maintaining the balance of world power – thwarting the expansionist dreams of Charles XII of Sweden, Napoleon, and Hitler. This is key to Kissinger's verdict on how we should respond to Putin's invasion of Ukraine.

"I don't agree with Putin," he declares, "but why didn't somebody, somewhere along the road, propose a solution that would have addressed both sides' concerns within the context of an independent Ukraine? When Europe said Ukraine has to choose between Europe and Russia in a commercial negotiation, [maybe] saying the opposite, saying let's do it together, might have made great progress.

"It's easy to demonise Putin," he continues. "Of course he's not easy, but one has seen that type of Russian leader before – and he's not a Hitler. One shouldn't discuss it in terms of one Russian leader. The question is how does one visualise the long-term relationship of Russia to the West at a moment when Asia is transforming itself and Islam is in permanent upheaval?"

The first building blocks of world order were established at the Peace of Westphalia – a series of treaties signed in 1648 at the end of the Thirty Years' War. Crucially, Kissinger says, "The Westphalian peace reflected a practical accommodation to reality, not a unique moral insight". In this system, the state became a fundamental building block of global order – an independent entity that would not interfere in other states' domestic affairs, yet would be prepared to check their ambitions "through a general equilibrium of power".

Whole books have attacked Kissinger's willingness to negotiate with regimes and factions with dubious human-rights records to maintain his sense of global balance, but he makes it clear that he feels he has always chosen the lesser of two evils. "I am concerned by human rights because I lived under extreme violations of them [in Nazi Germany], but when I make comments about human rights I do so as a practising foreign-policy executor," he tells me. "As a general rule I would argue that you should establish an important enough relationship with a country for it to have a stake in it, and then use that relationship to mitigate human-rights violations."

Certainly the Arab Spring has raised questions about the best way to achieve fair governance, after sadistically oppressive leaders have been overthrown to much rejoicing, only for countries to be swallowed up by sectarian warfare. "Libya was a disaster," Kissinger says. "Almost certainly more lives have been lost as a result than would have under Gaddafi – it's a horrible outcome." I tell him that I travelled in Libya while Gaddafi was in power and was disconcerted to find that I felt safer out in Tripoli at night than I had in any city in the world. He looks at me directly and nods knowingly. "It sticks in your throat when you say that," he says gravely.

He spoke out forcefully on the need to attack Isis prior to President Obama's launch of bombing raids in Iraq and Syria, but is "quite confident that we can defeat the current manifestation. Iran is much more complicated". I put it to him that if the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini is replaced by a more moderate leader such as Hojatoleslam Rafsanjani, that might lessen the threat. He shakes his head. "If Iran develops nuclear weapons, or comes close to nuclear weapons, that fact alone will shift the balance in the region, no matter how moderate the government may in the end turn out to be. Because that means that Iran defied the Security Council and prevailed in a conflict of threats with the US."

I have been warned not to raise sensitive topics with Kissinger, but he is being both charming and expansive, so I ask whether he has any regrets about the prolonged conflict in Vietnam and the secret bombing of neutral Cambodia. He dips his head. "I'm going to learn a good answer to that one day," he rumbles. Looking up he declares, "[In Vietnam] we did the best we could in a war we inherited. People forget that. The one condition that we would not yield to was to replace the government that our predecessors had established with a communist-style government. The only thing I misjudged was the possibility of a negotiated compromise. But even if I judged it correctly, how could we have acted in any other way?"

On Cambodia, he asserts that within weeks of Nixon assuming office, "The Vietnamese communists started an offensive that killed four to six hundred Americans a week, so that after a month we had lost more people in the Vietnamese offensive than we were to lose in 10 years of war in Afghanistan. Many of these casualties came from four North Vietnamese divisions that had occupied a part of Cambodian territory. Nobody has ever shown that there were any casualties in that area. I've lived with that for so many decades. I really have no regrets.

"The only regret I have is that our domestic position did not allow us to sustain the agreement that we had negotiated. The saddest day of my governmental period was the day of the evacuation of Vietnam. I believe Richard Nixon acted heroically. He withdrew 150,000 Americans every year, he stopped ground combat in 1971, and he brought it to an agreement that we believed sincerely was historic... But then aid was cut dramatically, and the possibility of American reintervention on the scale that's now taking place in Iraq by air was prohibited by Congress by special legislation."

We have been talking for 90 minutes. Around us, the good-looking young people are swinging into action for Kissinger's descent to the next floor to meet The Independent's photographer. He disappears down a corridor to the men's room to freshen up. I wait in the reception area expecting him to re-emerge, unaware of the little piece of theatre that is about to play itself out.

Seeing me waiting, one of Kissinger's assistants shakes his head, saying, "He leaves the office by his own route". He ushers me through to the lift lobby, which looks like a scene out of Alice in Wonderland with four lift entrances on one side, and one door in each of the other walls. "We never know which door he's going to come out of," he laughs. "He likes to keep us guessing."

For a moment we wait for the world's most infamous statesman, unsure, as so many throughout his career have been, from which angle he will surprise us. Then, suddenly, the door to the right of the lifts flies open. Kissinger's distinctive silhouette is etched against its frame, and he smiles at the look on our faces. "Shall we go?" he asks.


http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/politics/henry-kissingers-world-order-the-outer-edge-of-what-is-possible-9752563.html?origin=internalSearch

Saturday 25 October 2014

The Forgotten Coup - How the US and Britain Crushed the Government of Their "Ally" Australia

The Forgotten Coup - How the US and Britain Crushed the Government of Their "Ally" Australia





The Forgotten Coup - How the US and Britain Crushed the Government of Their "Ally" Australia


Former Prime Minister of Australia, Edward G. Whitlam, walks with President Nixon as he leaves the White House, July 30, 1973. (Photo: Jack Kightlinger / Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum)
The support of readers like you got this story published - and helps Truthout stay free from corporate advertising. Can you sustain our work with a tax-deductible donation today?

Across the political and media elite in Australia, a silence has descended on the memory of the great, reforming prime minister Gough Whitlam, who has died. His achievements are recognized, if grudgingly, his mistakes noted in false sorrow. But a critical reason for his extraordinary political demise will, they hope, be buried with him.

Australia briefly became an independent state during the Whitlam years, 1972-75. An American commentator wrote that no country had "reversed its posture in international affairs so totally without going through a domestic revolution." Whitlam ended his nation’s colonial servility. He abolished royal patronage, moved Australia toward the Non-Aligned Movement, supported "zones of peace" and opposed nuclear weapons testing.

Although not regarded as on the left of the Labor Party, Whitlam was a maverick social Democrat of principle, pride and propriety. He believed that a foreign power should not control his country's resources and dictate its economic and foreign policies. He proposed to "buy back the farm." In drafting the first Aboriginal land rights legislation, his government raised the ghost of the greatest land grab in human history, Britain’s colonization of Australia, and the question of who owned the island-continent’s vast natural wealth.

Latin Americans will recognize the audacity and danger of this "breaking free" in a country whose establishment was welded to great, external power. Australians had served every British imperial adventure since the Boxer rebellion was crushed in China. In the 1960s, Australia pleaded to join the United States in its invasion of Vietnam, then provided "black teams" to be run by the CIA. US diplomatic cables published last year by WikiLeaks disclose the names of leading figures in both main parties, including a future prime minister and foreign minister, as Washington’s informants during the Whitlam years.

Whitlam knew the risk he was taking. The day after his election, he ordered that his staff should not be "vetted or harassed" by the Australian security organization, ASIO - then, as now, tied to Anglo-American intelligence. When his ministers publicly condemned the US bombing of Vietnam as "corrupt and barbaric," a CIA station officer in Saigon said, "We were told the Australians might as well be regarded as North Vietnamese collaborators."

Whitlam demanded to know if and why the CIA was running a spy base at Pine Gap, near Alice Springs, a giant vacuum cleaner, which, as Edward Snowden revealed recently, allows the US to spy on everyone. "Try to screw us or bounce us," the prime minister warned the US ambassador, "[and Pine Gap] will become a matter of contention."

Victor Marchetti, the CIA officer who had helped set up Pine Gap, later told me, "This threat to close Pine Gap caused apoplexy in the White House.  . . . a kind of Chile [coup] was set in motion."

Pine Gap's top-secret messages were decoded by a CIA contractor, TRW. One of the decoders was Christopher Boyce, a young man troubled by the "deception and betrayal of an ally." Boyce revealed that the CIA had infiltrated the Australian political and trade union elite and referred to the governor-general of Australia, Sir John Kerr, as "our man Kerr."

Kerr was not only the Queen’s man, he had long-standing ties to Anglo-American intelligence. He was an enthusiastic member of the Australian Association for Cultural Freedom, described by Jonathan Kwitny, of the Wall Street Journal, in his book, The Crimes of Patriots, as, "an elite, invitation-only group . . . exposed in Congress as being founded, funded and generally run by the CIA." The CIA "paid for Kerr's travel, built his prestige . . . Kerr continued to go to the CIA for money."

When Whitlam was re-elected for a second term, in 1974, the White House sent Marshall Green to Canberra as ambassador. Green was an imperious, sinister figure, who worked in the shadows of America's "deep state." Known as the "coupmaster," he had played a central role in the 1965 coup against President Sukarno in Indonesia - which cost up to a million lives. One of his first speeches in Australia was to the Australian Institute of Directors and described by an alarmed member of the audience as "an incitement to the country's business leaders to rise against the government."

The Americans and British worked together. In 1975, Whitlam discovered that Britain's MI6 was operating against his government. "The Brits were actually decoding secret messages coming into my foreign affairs office," he said later. One of his ministers, Clyde Cameron, told me, "We knew MI6 was bugging cabinet meetings for the Americans."

In the 1980s, senior CIA officers revealed that the "Whitlam problem" had been discussed "with urgency" by the CIA's director, William Colby, and the head of MI6, Sir Maurice Oldfield. A deputy director of the CIA said, "Kerr did what he was told to do."

On November 10, 1975, Whitlam was shown a top secret telex message sourced to Theodore Shackley, the notorious head of the CIA's East Asia Division, who had helped run the coup against Salvador Allende in Chile two years earlier.

Shackley's message was read to Whitlam. It said that the prime minister of Australia was a security risk in his own country. The day before, Kerr had visited the headquarters of the Defence Signals Directorate, Australia's NSA, where he was briefed on the "security crisis."

On November 11 - the day Whitlam was to inform Parliament about the secret CIA presence in Australia - he was summoned by Kerr. Invoking archaic vice regal "reserve powers," Kerr sacked the democratically elected prime minister. The Whitlam problem" was solved, and Australian politics never recovered, nor the nation its true independence.
Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.
John Pilger

John Pilger is an Australian-born, London-based journalist, filmmaker and author. For his foreign and war reporting, ranging from Vietnam and Cambodia to the Middle East, he has twice won Britain's highest award for journalism. For his documentary films, he won a British Academy Award and an American Emmy. In 2009, he was awarded Australia's human rights prize, the Sydney Peace Prize. John Pilger's films can be viewed on his website.


http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/27025-the-forgotten-coup-how-america-and-britain-crushed-the-government-of-its-ally-australia

Colombia-Ecuador border quake sparks fear of possible volcanic eruptions – volcanoes awakening after 160,000 years? | The Extinction Protocol

Colombia-Ecuador border quake sparks fear of possible volcanic eruptions – volcanoes awakening after 160,000 years? | The Extinction Protocol





Colombia-Ecuador border quake sparks fear of possible volcanic eruptions – volcanoes awakening after 160,000 years?


October 2014 – COLOMBIA - Authorities in southwestern Colombia have raised alert levels on Tuesday after a 5.6 magnitude earthquake hit the border region, sparking concerns that two nearby volcanoes might erupt in a matter of days. Colombia’s Geological Service have changed the alert level of two volcanoes from yellow to orange. The two volcanoes are Cerro Negro de Mayasquer and Chiles, both active on Colombia’s southern border to Ecuador. The orange alert level is defined by the Geological Service as “probable eruption in term of days to weeks.” The earthquake that hit the border region causes a scare on both side of the border.
Officials in the Colombian town of Cumbal, near the quake’s epicenter, were quoted as saying by The Associated Press that they formed an emergency committee to survey possible damage. But so far, there were no reports of injuries in the town of 36,000 residents, the majority of them members of an indigenous tribe. “It was really strong, every house” felt it, Jose Diomedes Juezpesan, the town’s top official, told AP. If the volcanoes are to erupt, it will mostly affect the state Nariño. Local state governments have started to take security measures in order prevent tragedies. Nariño government officials have recommended suspending school classes, delivered a special communication system to indigenous communities in the area and offered the indigenous communities tents if the evacuate their premise while the volcanoes are on high alert. Neither one of the volcanoes have erupted in the past 160,000 years.


http://theextinctionprotocol.wordpress.com/2014/10/22/colombia-ecuador-border-quake-sparks-fear-of-possible-volcanic-eruptions-volcanoes-awakening-after-160000-years/

United Nations News Centre - Angola, Malaysia, New Zealand, Spain and Venezuela elected to serve on UN Security Council

United Nations News Centre - Angola, Malaysia, New Zealand, Spain and Venezuela elected to serve on UN Security Council





United Nations News Centre - Angola, Malaysia, New Zealand, Spain and Venezuela elected to serve on UN Security Council
Angola, Malaysia, New Zealand, Spain and Venezuela elected to serve on UN Security Council

Conference officers collect ballots from delegations during the elections. UN Photo/Mark Garten



16 October 2014 – In three rounds of voting the United Nations General Assembly today elected Angola, Malaysia, New Zealand, Spain and Venezuela to serve as non-permanent members on the Security Council for two-year terms beginning on 1 January 2015.

The new members will serve on the Council until 31 December 2016.

Angola Malaysia, Venezuela and New Zealand were elected in the first vote. The Assembly then held two rounds of restricted balloting to elect Spain to fill the remaining seat on the Council open to the Western European and Other States Group. Turkey was the other contender for that seat.

The five overall seats available for election in 2014, distributed regionally, were: one seat for the African Group (currently held by Rwanda); one seat for the Group of Asia- Pacific Group (currently held by the Republic of Korea); one seat for the Group of Latin American and Caribbean States, (currently held by Argentina); and two seats for the Western European and Others Group (currently held by Australia and Luxembourg). Lithuania will maintain for another year, the seat for the Eastern European Group.

The five permanent Council members, which each wield the power of veto, are China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. Along with Lithuania, the non-permanent members that will remain on the Council until the end of 2015 are Chad, Chile, Jordan, and Nigeria.

A look behind the scenes of the election of the five new non-permanent members to the Security Counci. UN Photo/Yubi Hoffmann/Mark Garten


Under the UN Charter, the Security Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Each of the Council’s members has one vote. Under the Charter, all UN Member States are obligated to comply with Council decisions.

The Security Council takes the lead in determining the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression. It calls upon the parties to a dispute to settle it by peaceful means and recommends methods of adjustment or terms of settlement. In some cases, the Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even authorize the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security.

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=49090#.VEwaIxYYjIZ

How a US and International Atomic Energy Agency Deception Haunts the Nuclear Talks

How a US and International Atomic Energy Agency Deception Haunts the Nuclear Talks





 How a US and International Atomic Energy Agency Deception Haunts the Nuclear Talks

By Gareth Porter, Truthout | News Analysis


In 2008, the Bush administration and a key IAEA official agreed on a strategy of misrepresenting Iran's position on the authenticity of intelligence documents, which they used to establish an official narrative of Iran "stonewalling" the IAEA investigation. That narrative continues to shape Obama administration policy in the nuclear talks.

The accusation by US and other Western diplomats that Iran has been "stonewalling" the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) investigation of alleged past nuclear weapons work has been a familiar theme in mainstream media coverage of Iran's relations with the IAEA for years.

What remains virtually unknown, however, is how a brazen deception by the George W. Bush administration and a key official within the IAEA created the false narrative of Iranian refusal to cooperate with the IAEA and was used to justify harsh international sanctions.

The initial deception was the suggestion by the IAEA that Iran had acknowledged that the activities portrayed in controversial intelligence documents purportedly from an Iranian nuclear weapons project were real, but had claimed they were for non-nuclear purposes. The IAEA then used that brazen falsehood as a pretext to demand that Iran provide sensitive military information on its missile program - a demand that the US officials behind the scheme knew would be rejected. That ploy thus offered the Bush administration a crucial rationale for pushing for new international economic sanctions against Iran.

The story of that highly successful deception, assembled from the public record, interviews with former IAEA officials and diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks, shows the conscious misleading of the public was central to US policy at a crucial turning point in the nuclear issue. It has contributed to the general consensus that Iran must be hiding past work on nuclear weapons that has led the Obama administration to insist that unless Iran satisfies the IAEA on that issue there can be no final agreement to remove the sanctions against Iran.





The origins of the IAEA deception lie in the Bush administration's
determination to force Iran to cease its nuclear enrichment, which
required the IAEA to maintain the image of Iran as hiding an alleged
past nuclear weapons program. When then IAEA director general Mohamed
ElBaradei negotiated a "work plan" with Iran in August 2007 to resolve a
series of six issues the IAEA Safeguards Department had raised in
previous years, the Bush administration was furious. Along with its key
European allies, the United States warned ElBaradei when he negotiated
the plan that clearing Iran of suspicion on the six issues would be
unacceptable, according to a January 2008 diplomatic cable released by WikiLeaks.




After ElBaradei proceeded to clear away the six issues, the United
States became even more aggressive toward ElBaradei. Ambassador to the
IAEA Gregory Schulte sent a cable to the State Department written in
early February focusing on the question of ElBaradei's handling of the
intelligence documents purporting to show a covert Iranian weapons
program that the Bush administration had been urging the IAEA to use to
confront Iran. The United States and its allies would have to "warn the
DG [director general] in very stark terms," Schulte wrote, "that . . .
any hint of whitewash of Iran's weapons activities would cause
irreparable harm to the Agency's relationship with major donors."




In other words, Schulte was saying Washington would have to threaten
to severely reduce or even cut off its funding for the IAEA if ElBaradei
refused to cooperate.




But US officials had an equally important source of leverage on IAEA
policy in the person of Olli Heinonen, the Finnish head of the
Safeguards Department.




Heinonen had acquired a reputation in the agency for working closely
with the most powerful patron available. When he was responsible for the
Middle East region in Safeguards from 2002 to 2005, he went around his
boss, Deputy Director General for Safeguards Pierre Goldschmidt, and
dealt directly with Director General ElBaradei, according to a former
IAEA official. But after ElBaradei named Heinonen head of the Safeguards
Department in 2005, the official recalled, he immediately began going
around ElBaradei and dealing directly with the Americans.




In late 2007 and early 2008, as US anger toward ElBaradei peaked over
his closure of the files on the six issues, Heinonen privately assured
US diplomats that he was not happy with ElBaradei's decision, according
to a January 2008 diplomatic cable. Another cable from Schulte in March
reveals that Heinonen had assured US officials that he wanted to "press
ahead" on the investigation of the intelligence documents, despite
ElBaradei's reluctance to do so.



Iran objected, in a letter to the IAEA secretariat on September 5,
2008, that the IAEA demand represented an unwarranted intrusion on its
conventional military security, as well as a blatant violation of the
agency's statute.

Soltanieh's point was that any competent fabricator of documents
tries to include some details that are accurate, such as the ones in
those documents shown to Iran in order to convince the targets of the
fraud that they are genuine. Iran pointed out in a letter to the IAEA
secretariat a few months later that it was standard procedure. The
letter denied that Iran had ever acknowledged the accuracy of anything
in the intelligence documents except for those incidental details.


Only after Heinonen had left the agency for a position at Harvard
University did the IAEA acknowledge in its September 2011 report that
the only thing Iran had "confirmed" about the documents had been the
"names of people, places and organizations."


Heinonen clearly had intensive discussions with Schulte and other
Western officials about the Iranian response to the documents and what
to do about it. Two diplomatic cables indicate that Heinonen agreed as a
result of those discussions that the IAEA would take the position that
Iran had admitted that the documents were authentic, but claimed that
the activities described were not for nuclear weapons.


In the first diplomatic cable,
sent in mid-February, Schulte wrote that the next phase of the IAEA's
should be to force Iran to "fully disclose" its past alleged nuclear
weapons program and make a "confession." That cable apparently reflected
agreement with Heinonen on the strategy to be pursued.


A second cable dated March 27, 2008,
quoted French Ambassador Francois-Xavier Deniau as declaring at a
meeting of P5+1 ambassadors, "Iran has acknowledged some of the studies,
while claiming they were for non-nuclear purposes."



Deniau's statement strongly suggests that Heinonen and the Americans
had already adopted a very concrete formula to be used publicly to
manage the issue several weeks before the drafting of the next IAEA
report had begun in May. That statement accurately anticipated the
wording of the Iranian position that would be used in the May 2008 IAEA
report.


The language in the report was carefully chosen to mislead the reader
without technically telling an outright lie. The report said Iran "did
not dispute that some of the information contained in the documents was
factually accurate, but said the events and activities concerned
involved civil or conventional military applications."



That tortured wording avoided saying
directly that the "information" that Iran had not disputed involved
"events and activities" portrayed in the documents. But it was clearly
intended to lead readers to that conclusion. Elsewhere, the report made
it clear that the activities shown in the documents on the redesign of
the reentry vehicle Shahab-3 ballistic missile and on exploding bridge
wire detonators could only have been for a nuclear weapon.




Heinonen and his American handlers exploited the fact that Iran had
publicly acknowledged redesigning the Shahab-3 missile and development
of an exploding bridge wire (EBW).


The wording on the EBW program issue was further reinforced to drive
home the deception. "Iran acknowledged that it had conducted
simultaneous testing with two to three EBW detonators with a time
precision of about one microsecond," the report said, adding, "Iran
said, however, that this was intended for civil and conventional
military applications."




Those two sentences were bound to be interpreted by the unwary reader
as indicating that Iran had admitted to having done experiments
involving the firing rate shown in the documents. In fact, however, as
Heinonen had revealed in a briefing for member states on February 25,
2008, the document in question portrayed experiments in which EBW
detonators fired at a rate of 130 nanoseconds - nearly eight times
faster than the firing rate in the experiments that the report was
saying that Iran had acknowledged carrying out.




In meetings of the IAEA Iran report drafting group, Heinonen made no
secret that he intended to show that Iran was lying. "He revealed to the
Iran report drafting group a strategy to trap the Iranians into some
small lies leading to being caught up in a major contradiction," a
former IAEA official familiar with those meetings, who asked to remain
anonymous because of fear of retaliation by the agency, told Truthout.




IAEA officials in the drafting group who were aligned with ElBaradei
were not happy with his proposed wording, according to the former
official. "There were a lot of differences over what Iran had admitted,"
he recalled. "We had to agree with language we weren't entirely
comfortable with."


As the text of the May 2008 report shows, the IAEA drafting group
also insisted on juxtaposing those misleading sentences on which
Heinonen was insisting with US support, with Iran's denial that the
documents were genuine and its assertions that the documents "contained
numerous inconsistencies" and that "many were based on publicly
available information."




The report thus represented a compromise between the positions of
Heinonen and ElBaradei, reflecting the political pressure that the
United States and its allies was then putting on ElBaradei to go along
with its hardline strategy.




The former IAEA official described the US political pressure on
ElBaradei at that point as "intense." The US threat of a funding cutoff
was only part of it. ElBaradei also knew that his enemies in Washington
and Tel Aviv were prepared to use police tactics to destroy him
politically. Under Secretary of State John Bolton had tapped ElBaradei's
phone in 2004 in the hope of getting information that could be used to
prevent ElBaradei from running for a third term in 2005.


Bolton failed to find anything he could use to promote that scheme,
but ElBaradei's enemies in Washington and Tel Aviv also spread rumors
aimed at smearing him as an Iranian agent. One such story, which
ElBaradei recalled in his memoirs, had Iran depositing $600,000 in a
bank account under ElBaradei's wife's name in Switzerland. Yet another
such rumor was that his wife, Aida, an Egyptian, was actually Iranian.




ElBaradei was also following events in Egypt, where opposition
newspapers were being harassed and hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood
members were being jailed by the Mubarak regime. He knew he would one
day want to return to Egypt and he did not want to be viewed by the US
government as anti-American.




But the US-Heinonen strategy had an even bigger objective in mind -
to use the insinuation that Iran had admitted to the activities that the
documents portrayed as a pretext to demand that Iran provide the IAEA
with highly sensitive information on both its missile and conventional
weapons programs. At two meetings with Iranian officials in August 2008,
Heinonen insisted that Iran share with IAEA experts the details of its
work on exploding bridge wire technology as well as on the redesign of
the Shahab-3 missile in order to prove its innocence.




The September 2008 IAEA report
revealed the demand: "The Agency proposed discussions with Iranian
experts on the contents of the engineering reports examining in detail
modeling studies related to the effects of various physical parameters
on the re-entry body from time of launch of the missile to payload
detonation." It explained that the discussions would be "aimed at
ascertaining whether these studies were associated with nuclear related
activities or, as Iran has asserted, related only to conventional
military activities."




Heinonen later denied publicly that he had ever demanded the transfer
of classified conventional Iranian military data to the IAEA. But a
senior IAEA official acknowledged to me in a September 2009 interview
that the agency was indeed demanding that Iran turn over such
information.


Predictably, Iran objected, in a letter to the IAEA secretariat on September 5, 2008,
that the IAEA demand represented an unwarranted intrusion on its
conventional military security, as well as a blatant violation of the
agency's statute. Iran informed ElBaradei that it was refusing to
participate in future meetings on the subject of "possible military
dimensions" as long as that demand was on the table.


That was exactly what the Bush administration and Heinonen were hoping for.




US Ambassador Schulte drafted a set of talking points he proposed to
be used by the entire P5+1 for all interactions with the IAEA
secretariat. As revealed in a diplomatic cable in January 2009,
the key points expressed concern that Iran had "refused to cooperate
with the IAEA's investigation in a full and substantive manner" and
declared, "We do not accept Iran's blockage of the IAEA investigation."


The Obama administration continued the Bush administration's policy
of protesting Iran's alleged refusal to cooperate with the IAEA as a
means of building support for its real objective - to pressure Iran to
suspend enrichment indefinitely. On March 3, 2009, a statement on behalf
of all six powers to the IAEA board called on Iran to "cooperate fully
with the IAEA by providing the Agency such access and information that
it requests" to resolve the "possible military dimensions" issue.




The demand that Iran "cooperate fully with the IAEA" on the "possible
military dimensions" became part of the Obama administration's official
mantra on Iran, along with the charge that Iran had failed to do so.
That charge was even included in UN Security Council Resolution 1929 in
June 2010. The administration repeated it in the meetings of the IAEA
Board of Governors.




Senior administration officials, including Secretary of State John
Kerry have said that Iran must "come clean" about its past nuclear
weapons work as part of the comprehensive settlement that is now being
negotiated. Israel and its supporters in Congress have pressed that
demand on the Obama administration vehemently. The clever dissimulation
by the Bush administration and Heinonen continues to cast a long shadow
over the talks.





Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.




Read more on http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/26954-how-a-us-and-international-atomic-energy-agency-deception-haunts-the-nuclear-talks